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Is Washington Officially Burying The Postwar Transatlantic Alliance
Is Washington Officially Burying The Postwar Transatlantic Alliance
By
A senior ECFR fellow warns that Washington has just buried the post-war West, while waging a scathing ideological assault on Europes internal failures. The alliance however has long had a colonial character. Is this really about ending bonds or rather about shifting burdens
When Ulrike Franke, senior fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations, says that the new (NSS) officially buries the old transatlantic relationship and the postwar West, Europe should indeed take notice.
Frankes is straightforward and provocative: the new document is quite explicit about prioritization. The days of the United States behaving like Atlas, propping up the world, are over, according to the document. The US now will concern itself with other countries only when their actions directly threaten American interests. It foregrounds the Western Hemisphere, insists nations should prioritize their own interests, and bluntly admits that Washington will no longer attempt to manage every regional crisis.
On Europe, Franke emphasizes what she finds most striking: the activist tone. The White House does not limit itself to defence matters it ventures into Europes internal affairs by scolding elites, warning about restrictions on speech, and lamenting demographic and cultural decline. Pages 2527 of the US document, under the section titled Promoting European Greatness, should be read in their entirety, she , because they read less like alliance management and more like .
About Europe the NSS essentially says: Europe is weakening economically, losing global share, and flirting with what Washington calls civilizational erosion. The document laments regulatory overreach, alleged constraints on political liberty, collapsing birth-rates, and the loss of self-confidence. It asserts that Europe supposedly enjoys conventional military advantages over Russia, nuclear weapons aside, and therefore should carry more of its own security weight. Now, this is , at best: a French Institute of International Relations report, Moscow has a decisive advantage over Europe in firepower, size, and capacity of land arms. In any case, the NSS also identifies a US interest in brokering a ceasefire in Ukraine to stabilize Europe, prevent escalation, and re-establish strategic stability across Eurasia, while enabling Ukraines reconstruction as a viable state.
Thus, Washington insists it wants Europe to remain European, yet simultaneously reserves the right to intervene rhetorically and politically to nudge the continent toward a preferred course.
This tone will not surprise anyone who has been paying attention for the last decade. One may recall that under both Democratic and Republican administrations, the US has already been retreating from peripheral theatres while insisting allies do more. Iraq, Afghanistan, Syria: the pattern here is less America, but not no America. As such, the NSS is less a tombstone for the West than a certificate of further recalibration, so to speak, for an alliance that has always been asymmetrical.
This asymmetry has been colonial enough, as I have . Europes economic and energy subordination did not start with Trumps NSS, of course. For one thing, The , under Joe Biden, began the years ago, explicitly tilting the industrial playing field in favor of US firms while draining investment from Europe. So much for partnership.
The US sold energy at premium prices to a Europe cut off from cheap supplies, thereby accelerating deindustrialization. And as if economic warfare were not enough, Europe also absorbed the geopolitical shock of the of Nord Stream, which Pulitzer Prize Winner and many others attribute to Washington an episode that remains shamefully underreported and never properly investigated in European capitals.
Considering all that, in February 2025, I even about Europe and the US having become enemies in all but name. The point I made then was not that hostility would necessarily erupt, but that a veiled enmity had become all too visible. The pendulum, as I , was swinging. Washington was acknowledging other great powers, pivoting to the Pacific, and embracing a neo-Monroeist approach for the Americas. Be as it may, the American goal with such a pivot was never multipolar harmony but rather managed retrenchment without losing face.
Does that bury the transatlantic relationship, as Franke argues Not necessarily so. The NSS is not a breakup letter one may describe it as a bill presented at the end of a long dinner. To put it bluntly, Europe is being told to pay more, decide more, and complain less. Meanwhile, Washington remains embedded in NATO command structures, intelligence sharing, and industrial ecosystems that are not easily unwound and so does Europe. Dependence does not vanish because a document says so. It fades when alternatives exist at scale (and dependence often cuts both ways). Europe still unified procurement, credible strategic autonomy, and energy resilience.
There is also a paradox in the alleged funeral of the West. The NSS scolds European elites for suppressing dissent and eroding freedom, yet it simultaneously seeks to influence domestic politics. This very meddling is itself proof that Washington cannot simply walk away.
Thus far, the document reads like an empire learning to live within limits, not an empire packing up and leaving. It is, again, about shifting burdens, not ending bonds altogether. Moreover, policies also change we have seen that, under Trumps radical pragmatism, strategy is not scripture. If anything, the NSS admits a truth that the European elites have preferred to ignore: the US will continue to dominate when it can, disengage when it must, and moralize when it suits. This does sound familiar enough, in terms of American attitude towards partners.
All of this does not mean Ulrike Frankes analysis is simply wrong. The postwar West as an unquestioned cultural-political bloc is indeed gone. But alliances die slowly they often erode long before they collapse. And there has always been a colonial component to such alliance. What we are witnessing is perhaps not an obituary but rather a metamorphosis.
The transatlantic relationship is becoming even more transactional, more conditional, more naked. For Europe, the choice now is really between dependency and sovereignty (or strategic autonomy as the French and the German sometimes like to call it). The American withdrawal from Europe (be it lamented or celebrated) is not a given, though.
Uriel Araujo, Anthropology PhD, is a social scientist specializing in ethnic and religious conflicts, with extensive research on geopolitical dynamics and cultural interactions.
Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are authors own and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Voice of East.
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Pope Leo XIV:
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The remarks that were made about Europe also in interviews recently, I think are trying to break apart what I think needs to be a very important alliance today and in the future."
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